{"id":2387,"date":"2025-05-11T13:39:45","date_gmt":"2025-05-11T19:39:45","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.juan-larrosa.com\/?p=2387"},"modified":"2025-05-11T13:43:47","modified_gmt":"2025-05-11T19:43:47","slug":"televisaleaks-and-the-degradation-of-public-discourse","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.juan-larrosa.com\/en\/televisaleaks-and-the-degradation-of-public-discourse\/","title":{"rendered":"#TelevisaLeaks and the Degradation of Public Discourse"},"content":{"rendered":"

By Juan Larrosa, May 6, 2025<\/strong><\/p>\n

In recent days, journalist Carmen Aristegui released a series of reports under the title #TelevisaLeaks<\/em><\/a>, based on two primary sources. The first is an eight-terabyte hard drive containing messages and information about an internal Televisa group called “El Palomar,” dedicated to black operations (black ops<\/em>) financed by the company. The second source is an interview with a technician and videographer who actively participated in that team.<\/p>\n

Through her investigations, Aristegui has revealed the existence of smear campaigns designed and disseminated from within Televisa. These include attacks on rival business people, such as Ricardo Salinas Pliego, owner of TV Azteca, or the Alem\u00e1n family, former shareholders of Televisa. But also smear efforts against public figures, such as a Supreme Court minister whose private life was targeted through a disinformation campaign, and even against Aristegui herself. The reports also document favorable campaigns, such as those that allegedly boosted the public image of then\u2013Supreme Court President Arturo Zald\u00edvar.<\/p>\n

The content is dense, wide-ranging, and alarming. However, the most surprising part has been its little impact on the public sphere. Few media outlets, journalists, or columnists have followed up on the story. One explanation, offered by some, is the enduring fear Televisa inspires as a powerful actor within Mexico’s media ecosystem. Picking a fight with a giant\u2014one that, as we now know, has a well-oiled propaganda and disinformation machine\u2014is hardly appealing.<\/p>\n

But there are other reasons that, in my view, deserve greater attention. One is that these practices are far more widespread than we may think. War rooms, black ops, or opposition research<\/em> are standard tools used by large corporations and governments at every level.<\/p>\n

In Jalisco, we have documented this through the ETIUS Media Observatory, where we have pointed to how the administrations of Emilio Gonz\u00e1lez, Arist\u00f3teles Sandoval, and Enrique Alfaro all relied on operators tasked with conducting disinformation campaigns\u2014either to attack opponents or to sanitize their governments’ public image. And it’s not just governments. Media outlets, private agencies, and political actors also use similar strategies.<\/p>\n

That’s why another possible explanation for the media silence around this case is that many prefer to steer clear, because in this game, few are without guilt.<\/p>\n

For that reason, the most significant aspect of Aristegui’s reports is not what they reveal about Televisa, but instead that they offer concrete evidence of an ecosystem of propaganda, disinformation, and manipulation that many of us have been warning about for years.<\/p>\n

These practices are not new. Propaganda and information manipulation have existed for centuries. What has changed is the scale<\/strong>, the speed<\/strong>, and the cost<\/strong>:<\/p>\n

    \n
  1. False or manipulated content can be produced very cheaply.<\/li>\n
  2. It can go viral in seconds.<\/li>\n
  3. It can reach millions of people, even globally.<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

    These three conditions make contemporary black ops far more dangerous, especially in contexts marked by polarization and distrust.<\/p>\n

    In the coming days, we hope that more information will emerge from the eight terabytes that Aristegui and her team are still analyzing. What is at stake is not just one company’s reputation, but the very conditions of our public conversation.<\/p>\n

    This text was originally read on the NTR Radio newscast on May 12, 2025, hosted by journalist Sergio Ren\u00e9 de Dios Corona.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

    By Juan Larrosa, May 6, 2025 In recent days, journalist Carmen Aristegui released a series of reports under the title #TelevisaLeaks, based on two primary sources. The first is an eight-terabyte hard drive containing messages and information about an internal Televisa group called “El Palomar,” dedicated to black operations (black ops) financed by the company. The second source is an… Read more →<\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"nf_dc_page":"","advanced_seo_description":"","jetpack_seo_html_title":"","jetpack_seo_noindex":false,"_jetpack_newsletter_access":"","_jetpack_dont_email_post_to_subs":false,"_jetpack_newsletter_tier_id":0,"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paywalled_content":false,"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[155,205,151,147,153,146],"tags":[359,170,182,173,184],"class_list":["post-2387","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-digital-journalism","category-journalism","category-media-observatories","category-monopolies-and-communication","category-political-communication","category-the-telecommunications-battle-in-mexico","tag-televisaleaks-en","tag-emilio-azcarraga-en","tag-media-observatories","tag-telecommunications-war","tag-televisa-en","xfolkentry"],"jetpack_featured_media_url":"","jetpack_sharing_enabled":true,"jetpack-related-posts":[{"id":976,"url":"https:\/\/www.juan-larrosa.com\/en\/una-agenda-para-los-observatorios-de-medios-en-mexico\/","url_meta":{"origin":2387,"position":0},"title":"A Research-Agenda for Media Observatories in Mexico","author":"Juan S. 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